Chapter 8: Implied Main Ideas and Implied Central Ideas
Lab Activity 39: Implied Central Ideas
 
Objective:
To identify the implied central idea of a longer passage.

arrow.gifStep 2: Read the following passages from a U.S. history textbook, and then answer the questions.


      Lyndon Baines Johnson
John F. Kennedy's death made Lyndon B. Johnson president. From 1949 until his election as vice-president, Johnson had been a senator and, for most of that time, Senate Democratic leader. He could be heavy-handed or subtle and also devious, domineering, persistent, and obliging. Many people swore by him; few had the fortitude to swear at him. Above all he knew what to do with political power. "Some men," he said, "want power so they can strut around to 'Hail to the Chief'. . . . I wanted to use it."

Johnson, who had consciously modeled his career after that of Franklin D. Roosevelt, considered social welfare legislation his specialty. The contrast with Kennedy could not have been sharper. In his inaugural address, Kennedy had made no mention of domestic issues. Kennedy's plans for federal aid for education, urban renewal, a higher minimum wage, and medical care for the aged were blocked in Congress by Republicans and southern Democrats. The same coalition also defeated his chief economic initiative—a broad tax cut to stimulate the economy. But Kennedy had reacted to these defeats mildly, almost wistfully. He thought the machinery of the federal government was cumbersome and ineffective.

Johnson knew how to make it work. On becoming president, he pushed hard for Kennedy's programs. Early in his career Johnson had voted against a bill making lynching a federal crime, and he also had opposed bills outlawing state poll taxes and establishing the federal Fair Employment Practices Commission. But after he became an important figure in national affairs, he consistently championed racial equality. Now he made it the centerpiece of his domestic policy. "Civil righters are going to have to wear sneakers to keep up with me," he boasted. Bills long buried in committee sailed through Congress. Early in 1964 Kennedy's tax cut was passed. A few months later, an expanded version of another Kennedy proposal became law as the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

—Carnes & Garraty, The American Nation, 11th ed., pp. 798–799.
3. The topic of this passage is _______________.  

 
 
 
 


      4. The implied central idea of the passage, expressed in the thesis statement, is that _______________. 

 
 
 
 


      McCarthyism
In February 1950 an obscure senator, Joseph R. McCarthy of Wisconsin, introduced the theme that later became known as McCarthyism in a speech to the even less well known Ohio County Republican Women's Club of Wheeling, West Virginia. "The reason we find ourselves in a position of impotency," he stated, "is not because our only powerful potential enemy has sent men to invade our shores, but rather because of the traitorous actions of those who have been treated so well by this nation." The State Department, he added, was "infested" with communists. "I have here in my hand a list of 205—a list of names that were known to the Secretary of State as being members of the Communist Party and who nevertheless are still working and shaping policy."

Why this speech caused a sensation has never been satisfactorily explained. McCarthy had no shred of evidence to back up these statements, as a Senate committee headed by the conservative Democrat Millard Tydings of Maryland soon demonstrated. He never exposed a single spy or secret American communist. One reporter quipped that McCarthy could not tell Karl Marx from Groucho Marx.

But because of the government loyalty program, the Hiss case, and other recent events, thousands of people were too eager to believe him to listen to reason. Within a few weeks he was the most talked-of person in Congress. Inhibited neither by scruples nor by logic, he lashed out in every direction, attacking international experts like Professor Owen Lattimore of Johns Hopkins University and diplomats such as John S. Service and John Carter Vincent, who were already under attack for having courageously pointed out the deficiencies of the Chang Kai-shek regime during the Chinese civil war.

When McCarthy's victims indignantly denied his charges, he distracted the public with still more sensational accusations directed at other innocents. Even General Marshall, whose patriotism was beyond question, was subjected to McCarthy's abuse. The general, he said, was "steeped in falsehood," part of a "conspiracy so immense and an infamy so black as to dwarf any previous venture in the history of man."

McCarthy was totally unscrupulous. The "big lie" was his most effective weapon: The enormity of his charges and the status of his targets convinced thousands that there must be some truth in what he was saying. Nevertheless, his crude tactics would have failed if the public had not been so worried about communism. The worries were caused by the reality of Soviet military power, the attack on Korea, the loss of nuclear monopoly, and the stories about spies, some of them true.

—Carnes & Garraty, The American Nation, 11th ed., pp. 776–777.

5. The topic of this passage is _______________.

 

 
 
 
 


      6. The implied central idea of the passage is that _______________. 

 
 
 
 


      The Airplane
World War I speeded the advance of airplane technology, and most of the planes built in the 1920s were intended for military use. Practical commercial air travel was long delayed. Aerial acrobats, parachute jumpers, wing walkers, and other daredevils who put on shows at county fairs and similar places where crowds gathered were the principal civilian aviators of the 1920s. They "barnstormed" from town to town, living the same kind of inbred, encapsulated lives that circus people did, their chief rewards being the sense of independence and pride that the successful performance of their highly skilled but risky trade provided.

The great event of the decade for aviation, still an achievement that must strike awe in the hearts of all reflective persons, was Charles A. Lindbergh's nonstop flight from New York to Paris in May 1927. It took more than 33 hours for Lindbergh's single-engine Spirit of St. Louis to cross the Atlantic, a formidable physical achievement for the pilot as well as an example of skill and courage. When the public learned that the intrepid "Lucky Lindy" was handsome, modest, uninterested in converting his new fame into cash, and a model of propriety (he neither drank nor smoked), his role as American hero was ensured. It was a role Lindbergh detested—one biographer has described him as "by nature solitary"—but could not avoid.

Lindbergh's flight enormously increased public interest in flying, but it was a landmark in aviation technology as well. The day of routine passenger flights was at last about to dawn. In July 1927, a mere two months after the Spirit of St. Louis touched down at Le Bourget Field in France, William E. Boeing of Boeing Air Transport began flying passengers and mail between San Francisco and Chicago, using the M-40, a plane of his own design and manufacture. Early in 1928 he changed the company name to United Aircraft and Transport. Two years later, Boeing produced the first all-metal low-wing plane and, in 1933, the twin-engine 247, a prototype for many others.

7. The topic of this passage is _______________.

 

 
 
 
 


      8. The implied central idea of the passage is that _______________. 

 
 
 
 


      Karl Marx and Class Conflict 1

The influence of Karl Marx (1818-1883) on world history has been so great that even the Wall Street Journal, that staunch advocate of capitalism, has called him one of the three greatest modern thinkers (the other two being Sigmund Freud and Albert Einstein).

2

Marx, who came to England after being exiled from his native Germany for proposing revolution, believed that the engine of human history is class conflict. He said that the bourgeoisie (the controlling class of capitalists, those who own the means to produce wealthcapital, land, factories, and machines) are locked in conflict with the proletariat (the exploited class, the mass of workers who do not own the means of production). This bitter struggle can end only when members of the working class unite in revolution and throw off their chains of bondage. The result will be a classless society, one free of exploitation, in which people will work according to their abilities and receive according to their needs.

—Henslin, Essentials of Sociology, 5th ed., p. 5.

9. The topic of the passage is

 

 
 
 
 


      10. The central idea of the passage is 

 
 
 
 







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